Facts

Israel promotes itself in the West as the only democracy in the Middle East. However, upon examination, this claim quickly evaporates. The Israeli law effectively discriminates against Palestinian citizens, violating their rights to equality, family life, dignity, and liberty.

Apartheid Definition:

The International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid defines “the crime of apartheid ”as" inhuman acts committed to establish and maintain domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them" (Art. 2 of Apartheid Convention).

Some examples of Apartheid laws in Israel

The Absentees' Property Law in 1950:

This law allows Israel to take over the properties forcibly left by Palestinian refugees who were expelled during the ethnic cleansing of 1948 “Nakba”. Israel prevents the right of refugees to return to their land. There are nearly 7 million Palestinian refugees around the world today, still denied their visitation rights, access, or ownership of their originally confiscated lands or Palestinian citizenship.

Palestinian land confiscation:

Land Acquisition for Public Purposes Ordinance – Amendment No. 10 (2010). Israel’s Finance Minister is allowed to confiscate land for "public purposes". The state uses this law extensively, along with other laws, to confiscate Palestinian-owned land in Israel.

Birthright Citizenship:

Israel grants Jews from any ethnicity worldwide a birthright to immigrate and become citizens. Remember that Jewish/ Judaism is not an ethnicity but a religion of many nationalities.

So you could be a New Yorker of Dutch descent, for example, having no genetic or ethnic connections to the Middle East, but the law still applies to you.

Israel does not provide the same rights to Palestinians, including refugees who've been previously ethnically cleansed from their homes.

Other examples, in brief:

1. Denial of Freedom of Movement: Mostly affecting Palestinians in Palestinian lands: the West Bank and Gaza.

2. Violence and Unlawful Practices: Murder, torture, and imprisonment of thousands of Palestinians, many under the age of 18, leading to severe physical and psychological deprivation.

3. Persecution for Political Beliefs: Targeting anyone opposing apartheid.

4. Identity-Based Deprivation: Systematic violation of human rights based on Palestinian identity.

5. Ethnic-Based Legal Systems: Separate systems in Israel based on ethnicity.

6. Administrative Detention: Indefinite imprisonment of Palestinians, including many Children, without a fair process or even trial in most cases.

7. Violence Against Farmers: Attacks and murders in the West Bank, collected harvest stolen by force of armed settlers.

8. Fishing Restrictions: fishing in Gaza is permitted up to six nautical miles (11 km).

9. Control over Rainwater: Prohibited for Palestinians to collect rainwater!

For more info about the apartheid, check out reports from Amnesty, Btselem, and Human Rights Watch.

As Sarah Schulman explains, “Overall, Israel is a profoundly homophobic society. The dominance of religious fundamentalists, the sexism and the proximity to family and family oppression makes life very difficult for most people on the LGBT spectrum in Israel.”, while Aeyal Gross, a professor of law at Tel Aviv University, explains that “gay rights have essentially become a public-relations tool,” even though “conservative and especially religious politicians remain fiercely homophobic.” As Samira Saraya, one of the co-founders of Aswat, an LGBTI+ organization for Palestinian women has further elucidated, “If you are an Israeli gay man who served in the army, looks masculine, acts ‘normal’, and has a secure job, then you are treated well. For the rest of us, things are much less rosy.” That it is to say, if you do not somehow ‘compensate’ for your queer identity in ways conducive to Israel’s ethnonationalist project vis a vis homonationalism, you are even further outside the margins of the Zionist ideal and thus more vulnerable to the brunt of homophobia and racism.

Zionism’s obsession with ensuring a Jewish majority comes with pressure to produce as many children as possible to resolve what Zionists have outright declared as the ‘demographic problem’, adding another obstacle to those who would prefer same-sex partners. This was attested to by Israeli scholar and queer rights activist Amit Kama, who has worked on a government survey to attract more gay tourists to Israel even as he himself was forced to marry his partner outside of the country.

Almost lost in all the rainbow confetti and the condescending hand-wringing over Palestinian or Muslim homophobia is how in Israel, all marital issues are under the control of the Orthodox rabbinic authorities; thus, there is no civil marriage in Israel, only religious marriage. Orthodox Rabbinate representatives supporting the law against civil marriage and gay couple being able to be married with cite a wish to “guarantee the Jewish future of the state of Israel” and protect against “assimilation”.

The weaponized understating of this queerphobic in Israeli society functions through treating Palestinians “as a site onto which queerphobic Zionists may project their queerphobic fantasies”, as articulated in Saffo Papantonopoulou’s excellent article, “Even a Freak Like You Would Be Safe in Tel Aviv: Transgender Subjects, Wounded Attachments, and the Zionist Economy of Gratitude”. In it she details transphobic abuse directed her way which demanded she stop criticizing Israel, as it is supposedly the only place in the Middle East where she could expect to be treated “equal to a male or female heterosexual” and not be met with violence that they so graciously went so far as to describe in detail to her. She explains that Zionists’ deflections of their own queerphobia onto Palestinians is meant to “allow the queerphobic Zionist to live out his own queerphobic fantasy while simultaneously deploying a pretext of caring about queers.”

The identification of Tel Aviv as gay-friendly even by those who harbor queerphobia then is presented as a “gift to all queers” who are in fact meant to feel grateful for being ‘allowed’ to thrive or even live.

“Under the Zionist economy of gratitude, the transgender subject is perpetually indebted to capitalism and the West for allowing her to exist. The properly delimited space for the transgender subject within this ideology is essentially one confined to an apoliticized space of pride parades and gay bars, but never the front lines of an antimperial or anticolonial project. Hence, the queerphobic Zionist can pass the gift of his racist colonial phobia as well as his queerphobia on to the transgender subject…I am supposed to feel vulnerable, afraid, and attacked, in order that I may pass on that gift of death to the supposedly transphobic Palestinian”.

Read more here

The Israeli army does not give a 'free pass' to queer Palestinians; in fact, its soldiers target LGBTQ Palestinians.

As the latest round of Israeli fire reigns down on Gaza, a problematic discourse has resurfaced in the West. This discourse seeks to convince white Americans and Europeans that supporting Israel is an imperative for women, LGBTQ-identified individuals and their allies.

This line of thinking alleges that Israel has enacted legal protections for LGBTQ folks and is therefore a bastion of liberty for queers in the Middle East. The rhetoric of many mainstream feminist outlets has been similar, arguing that because Jewish women enjoy legal equality with Jewish men in Israel, women and feminists are obliged to support the current campaign of terror and destruction in Gaza.

Examples of this troubling and misleading argumentation can be read in James Duke Mason’s article for The Advocate on July 9, Robert Trestan’s article for The Rainbow Times, and any number of articles by arch-conservative Phyllis Chesler, including one published on July 26 at Israel National News.

This “pinkwashing” (pink washing) of Israel not only plays on a variety of racist and Islamophobic tropes but also impedes a thorough and nuanced analysis of queer and feminist liberation.

Rights for some, violence for others

Pinkwashing replays a frequent trope in discussions of conflict in the Middle East: that Israel is a democracy committed to human rights. What these discussions continually fail to address is that these human rights apply only to Jews and are consistently, flagrantly disregarded for Palestinians living under Israeli apartheid.

The millions of Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank are not enfranchised in this so-called democracy. The millions of displaced Palestinians living in exile or in refugee camps are not enfranchised in this so-called democracy. The thousands of Palestinians caged in Israeli jails are not enfranchised in this so-called democracy. Nor are they protected by the legislation that supposedly supports and protects women and LGBTQ folks.

The more than 40,000 Gazan and West Bank Palestinian civilians who have been slaughtered in the past six months, many of them women and children, were never afforded the protections of basic human rights accords, let alone democratic procedure.

This pinkwashing is thus misleading, purporting to secure rights for women and queers which are routinely violated along racial, ethnic, and religious lines. Just as feminists and LGBTQ activists are obliged to dismantle racial hierarchies in our own communities, so too must we reject them in Israel and Palestine. We must assert unequivocally that anything less than liberation for all is unacceptable.

To refuse to do so retrenches the all-too-common neoliberal strategy of divide and conquer. The idea that Israel must be defended regardless of its human rights abuses or racist violence, separates LGBTQ liberation from larger social and structural phenomena.

It refuses to acknowledge that Palestinian queers are among those who are harassed, brutalised, displaced, bombed, and incarcerated. Whatever liberties might be extended to Jewish queers in Israel, being queer does not save Palestinians from the constant and brutal assault that forms the conditions of their lives. The Israeli army does not give a “free pass” to queer Palestinians; in fact, its soldiers target LGBTQ Palestinians.

Stories over the past few months have revealed that in fact the Israeli army pressures LGBTQ Palestinians into becoming informants against their friends and families by blackmailing them and threatening to expose their sexualities. This so-called gay-friendly state of Israel preys on the vulnerability of queer Palestinians, a vulnerability that many of us who live in “progressive” “human rights-friendly” countries still face.

Israeli LGBT organisation Aguda estimates that around 2,000 Palestinian queers live in Tel-Aviv at any one time, most of them illegally. The dismantling of economic stability and opportunity inside Palestine forces LGBT Palestinians to leave their homes and to live as undocumented, precarious workers in Israel, where they have no protections against harassment, rape, intimidation, or job discrimination, and in which finding safe housing and steady employment are scarce.

The options presented to LGBTQ Palestinians are living as stateless, undocumented migrants or braving the constant violence and indignity of living in occupied territories. Neither of these sounds like LGBT liberation to me.

Neither does it sound like feminist liberation. An image has been circulating twitter in Israel that at one and the same time justifies the rape of Gazan women and the seige of their communities. The photo, accessible here shows a woman wearing a hijab with the words “Gaza” written on her chest. Her body is splayed in a sexually provocative position, and a message in Hebrew is emblazoned on the top: “Bibi, finish inside this time”. It is signed “Citizens for the Invasion.”

This invitation to rape replays the same kinds of victim-blaming narratives and images that feminists have no problem condemning in Western contexts. This image, and the glee with which that image has been shared on twitter dramatises the ways in which racist violence and sexual violence are bound together in the Palestinian experience of occupation, siege, and war.

This disgusting image is merely one effect of the deeply anti-feminist strains of the occupation of Palestine. When Mordechai Kedar, a lecturer on Arabic literature at Bar Ilan University, made the following statement, he was not reprimanded, but rather defended by the University and the State: “A terrorist, like those who kidnapped the boys [in the West Bank on June 12] and killed them, the only thing that will deter them, is if they know that either their sister or mother will be raped if they are caught.”

Colonel Eyal Qarim of the Military Rabbinate has declared publicly that it is permissible for Israeli soldiers to rape Palestinian women for the purposes of “maintaining morale”. These statements merely crystalize what the women of Palestine know very well: that the unjust, racist occupation of Palestine is not only Islamophobic, but misogynistic and heterosexist.

Just as in the United States and Western Europe, oppression is a multi-faceted phenomenon, one which works through the simultaneous mobilisations of race, gender, sexuality, and class. And if we fail to address the intersections of race, gender, sexuality, and class in our analysis of Palestine, we contribute to a system of ideological cover that shields Israel and the IDF from having to account for its crimes.

It is thus incumbent upon Western feminists and queers to support the demands of Palestinian women and LGBTQ folks for their liberation. We should support their demands for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). And we should support them in their demands for equality inside Gaza, the West Bank, and diasporic communities.

We should support organizations in Palestine pushing for feminist and queer liberation, organizations like Aswat, Kayan, Al-Qaws, Palestinian Queers for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (PQBDS), Queers Undermining Israeli Terrorism (QUIT!), Gay Shame, Muslim Alliance for Sexual & Gender Diversity (The MASGD), Heritage Activists & Liberation Artists (HALA). We should begin to see the struggle for queer and feminist liberation, not as a single issue struggle to rally behind, but as a crucial dimension to the project of global, universal emancipation for all. Anything less is unacceptable.

Full article

[Warning: Descriptions of sexual assault, torture and queerphobia]

Here it is worthwhile to delineate how Israel also draws upon racialized homophobia and transphobia in its abuse of Palestinians. This includes the blackmailing of queer Palestinians, with a former Israeli Intelligence corps member sharing that in training to disregard Palestinians’ privacy and manipulate their personal lives for Israeli state interests, “we actually learned to memorize and filter different words for ‘gay’, in Arabic.”

Even more horrifically, there are detailed accounts from Palestinians imprisoned in Israeli jails of verbal and sexual harassment which use homophobia and transphobia as a threat. One 16 year old described a police officer as telling him that “‘I will fuck you and you will sing on my dick’ as part of his threats. Another 23 year old recounted how an Israeli secret service member shouted “you terrorist, I’ll fuck you like a homosexual!”, while another in a separate report described being harassed by an interrogator who asked “Are you a homosexual? You look like a woman. Have you ever fucked a woman?”. Still another detainee described how they were threatened with having their brother undergo a sex change against their will, saying “They put me in an investigation room with a glass partition and on the other side I saw my brother, dressed as a woman, immodest, in a mini-skirt. […] They said that they […] had arranged for him a sex-change surgery in Jerusalem.”

These are not isolated cases, as Israel’s extensive use of sexual harassment and assault as a form of torture against Palestinians are well documented. The reasons for this are betrayed even in the very report most of the aforementioned testimony was drawn from, with the author declaring that “Sexual torture and ill-treatment, including forced nudity and curses with sexual contents, may have particularly deep and sometimes long-lasting humiliating effects among Arab men. This is grounded in the notion of honour, which is basic in social life in much of the Muslim world.” Here the author is taking for granted the idea that Arab and Muslim men (though here he is using the terms interchangeably) are more sensitive to being sexually harassed and assaulted than their western counterparts. He seems to, whether subconsciously or not, believe that the perpetrators of these acts are comparatively enlightened rather than perpetuating the old use of sexual violence against men in armed conflicts and the concurrent bigoted dynamics of emasculation, feminization and/or homosexualization as insult.

[End of descriptions of sexual assault, torture and queerphobia]

To revisit Puar, the paradox at the heart of such an Orientalist notion of sexuality is reanimated through the objectification of the Muslim terrorist as a torture object, who is both sexually conservative, modest and fearful of nudity (and it is interesting how this conceptualization is rendered both sympathetically and as a problem), as well as queer, animalistic, barbarian, and unable to control his (or her) urges but having an innate “indecency” waiting to be released. In Brothers and Others in Arms: The Making of Love and War in Israeli Combat Units, Danny Kaplan argues that this sexualization is neither tangential nor incidental to the project of conquest but, rather, is central to it: ‘‘[The] eroticization of enemy targets . . . triggers the objectification process.’’

Not only are homophobia and transphobia weaponized against Palestinians in such a manner by the magical rainbow state of Israel, it ends up leaving queer Palestinians vulnerable to the ramifications of queerness being associated with collaboration. As Al Qaws has written:

“this pervasive linking of non-normative sexuality and Palestinian collaboration has become a term and identity of its own in the Palestinian imaginary and reality: isqat…this false connection with Israel and collaboration associates queer people with treason, dishonesty, untrustworthiness, and fraudulence, and therefore works to substantiate a very specific kind of homophobic fear within Palestine”.

The use of homophobia and queerphobia as a cudgel on behalf of Israel is certainly not conducive to queer liberation and is an abhorrent practice. It also must be contextualized in the overarching repression and oppression all Palestinians face, with Palestinians regularly extorted for a variety of reasons, from needing healthcare to wishing to hide marital infidelity to wanting to marry and live with a Palestinian with a differently colored ID card. Whatever individual experiences Palestinians have are shaped by the oppressive hold of Zionism.

No, in the case of the October 7th Events, it doesn't

● According to International Law, you don't have the right to self-defense if you are an occupying force and attacked from a territory you occupy.

However, Palestinians DO have the right to self-defense

● UNGA Resolutions 3314 (1974) and 37/43 (1982) affirm the "inalienable

right" of the Palestinian people "and all peoples under foreign and colonial domination" to self-determination. They also reaffirm the legitimacy of "the struggle for liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle".

● In short: Palestinians have the right to self-defense and resist occupation, including armed resistance; this is granted to them by international law.

The Birth Control Scandal

1. Forced birth control on Ethiopian Jews: After social workers noticed a significant drop in birth rates among the Jewish Ethiopian community in Israel, an investigation revealed that thousands of Ethiopian women were given the birth control injection 'Depo-Provera' without Consent.

When questioning why only Ethiopian women are receiving Depo-Provera, Israeli health authorities claimed the injections are a 'cultural preference,' although in Ethiopian culture, 'to have lots of children is to be rich.'

Dr. Mushira Aboodia, a gynecologist at Jerusalem's Hadassah Medical Centre, stated that most Ethiopian women she had met received Depo-Provera injections and added, 'Although no one in Israel will admit or take responsibility.'

Resource

Migration of Pedophiles: Numerous numbers of convicted child molesters are escaping prosecution by migrating to Israel, in an exploitation of the Law of Return, whereby any Jewish person can move to Israel and automatically gain citizenship.

Convicted pedophiles are given the chance to move to Israel instead of facing legal consequences.

Resource

Discrimination against Falasha African communities is evident in many forms, such as the 1996 riot in Israel when it was discovered that the Israeli health ministry destroyed all stacks of blood donated by Ethiopians.

The government then responded that it was done for fear of "HIV contamination."

Check this article on racism against Ethiopian Jews

"Israel-Hamas War"

It's NOT a war with no equal power; it's Genocide.

● Hamas is not a country; Hamas – an acronym for Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiya (Islamic Resistance Movement) – translates to zeal.

It emerged as the leading political force in Gaza in 1987 during the first Intifada – the peaceful mass uprising against Israeli land expropriation and settlements. It has a presence in the occupied West Bank as well, along with other Palestinian resistance movements.

● Who is under constant attack in Gaza?

the 2.3 million unarmed innocent civilians who are being attacked, killed, and ethnically cleansed by the Israeli occupation forces.

When dealing with a school shooting, you won’t ask the police forces to bomb the entire school to eliminate the shooter. Instead, you make all the necessary procedures to protect the whole school's students, teachers, and staff.

However, Israeli Offense Forces (IOF) ignores these obligations and executes mass shootings and bombardments against civilians, journalists, and doctors while constantly targeting schools, hospitals, food storages, and religious/sacred places (i.e., mosques and churches).

● Gaza is not a country:

It is a strip of land that meets all the criteria of a "concentration camp" housing over 2.3 million Palestinians, half of whom are children.

● Gazans have no Army:

no military, air force, navy, or any of Israel's defense systems like the Iron Dome. Gazans also do not have nuclear weapons, unlike Israel, which possesses all of these capabilities.

● It is a Genocide:

Leading scholars and UN experts have asserted that the current events constitute genocide. Numerous Israeli politicians openly have called for a second 'Nakba' and expressed their genocidal intent: to wipe off the Palestinians’ entire gene pool, to flatten Gaza to the ground, with some suggesting bombing it with nuclear bombs and turning it into a parking lot. More details here. They even cited holy verses from the bible, "the Old Testament," declaring a "Holy War" and the incitement of killing every man, woman, child, or animal in Gaza.

"Now go, attack the Amalekites and totally destroy all that belongs to them. Do not spare them; put to death men and women, children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys." - Netanyahu, October 2023, citing from 1 Samuel 15:3.

The intent is also evident in the use of powerful weaponry, including internationally forbidden weapons, with indiscriminate impacts, resulting in a colossal death toll. Along with the intentional destruction of life-sustaining infrastructure.

● Dehumanization:

Israeli officials have publicly used terms such as "Human Animals, Savages who deserve no water, food, or electricity, and Children of the Dark".

To directly quote Netanyahu:

"This is a war between the children of light and the children of darkness."

This is identical to Nazi propaganda tactics, where particular ethnic groups were consistently labeled as Untermenschen (subhuman) to justify their genocide.

● War Crimes:

Israel has directly targeted hospitals, schools, apartment buildings, churches, mosques, UN buildings, and nearly all the infrastructure of Gaza. It also targeted Journalists, health workers, and ambulances.

As a result, this led to a massive humanitarian crisis. In the first 49 days of the Israeli aggression, over 20,031 Palestinians have lost their lives, including more than 8,176 children and 4,112 women.

The number of injuries has exceeded 36,350 with over 75% of them being children and women. Additionally, thousands of individuals were still trapped under the rubble of fallen buildings.

With 99.5% being civilians, the Israeli Army’s accuracy rate is only 0.05%. According to international law, Israel’s actions are deemed war crimes.

Please check the latest numbers, as they change every minute.

● Anti-Semitism:

The West seems to forget that Palestinians are Semites too deliberately. Those who voice opposition to the ongoing tragedy and call for a ceasefire MUST NOT be unjustly branded as "anti-semites." Instead, they are individuals asserting their humanity, unwilling to stand idly by as innocent children fall victim to a massacre. It is entirely legitimate to criticize any state and resist its genocidal policies.

Pink washing (pinkwashing) irefers to when a state or organization appeals to LGBTQ+ rights in order to deflect attention from its harmful practices.

Background

While pink washing (pink washing) does quite frequently operate as a propaganda or public relations strategy, a deeper understanding of how it functions regarding Palestine and Palestinians reveals that pinkwashing is also the inevitable manifestation of the intrinsically homophobic and Orientalist nature of Zionism, which itself is a manifestation of European colonial thought. As Palestinian queer rights organization Al Qaws has explained, “pinkwashing is the symptom, settler-colonialism is the root sickness.” The pinkwashing of Israel relies on the understanding that the East remains stubbornly backwards regarding homosexuality because of a refusal to learn from Western progressivism. However, as Joseph A. Boone outlines in “The Homoerotics of Orientalism”, this is ignoring several hundred years of history where “it was the uptight Christian West that accused the debauched Muslim East of harboring what it euphemistically called the ‘male vice’ (sodomy)”.

The Middle East was associated with ‘sexual deviancy’ and ‘effeminity’ whose mores and values good Christians must remain on guard against. The movements for modern nation-state building in what is now Turkey and Iran actually saw the adoption of heterosexual norms “at least in part as a response to the European representations of its civilizational ‘backwardness’ and sexual ‘irregularities’”. In Turkey, “unabashedly frank references to same-sex acts and desire were written out of the historical record and repressed from collective memory in the name of western style modernization”, while “the price of Persia’s emergence as the new Iranian nation-state was the official eclipse of its long-standing history of male homoerotic bonds as ‘pre-modern’ and the cultivation of heteroeroticism as the new norm.” Overall, the modern West was positively associated with heteronormativity which the Middle East was deemed in need of emulating in order to enter the realm of progressive modernity.

There is a long, complicated history of homophobic aspersions between not only the constructed binary of the East and West, but also between, for example, the Abbasid Caliphate and the Persian empire, with the former blaming the latter for being a “gay influence”. That today, many Islamic conservatives depict homosexuality as a foreign contagion in the name of nation-building and “cultural authenticity” is merely an outgrowth of the aforementioned historical relations. In the process, the history of homoerotic relations among males once intricately interwoven into the fabric of Muslim culture is being erased and denied.

This is not to oversimplify how homophobia functions in the Middle East, or to lay blame on the West; rather, it is to understand that current depictions of homophobia in the region as resistance to “Western modernity” obscures how these understandings of sexuality we have today, are in fact modern; they are the result of modern nation-state building and the accompanying construction of the “Other” as inferior, to be stigmatized, exploited and discriminated against.

It also obscures how the present-day colloquial deployment of “Islamic sexual repression” narratives currently plaguing human rights, liberal queer, and feminist discourses came to be. This paradox at the heart of Orientalist notions of sexuality, where Muslims are simultaneously hypersexual and repressed, informs the dehumanization of Muslims in general and the sexual violence enacted against the prisoners deemed “terrorists” (whether by the U.S. or Israel) in particular.

Which leads to how the discursive strategy of how racist understandings of sexuality is currently being weaponized in order to uphold present day imperialism and colonial political aims. This necessarily includes the Zionist project in Palestine, which was only possible because of historical processes in Europe. Pertinent to this article, the same European masculine values which deemed Muslims as sexually deviant were also weaponized against Jewish people in antisemitic acts and depictions which deemed Jewish men “effeminate”. Zionist founders were later keen to combat these historic allegations. This has manifested in the conflation of masculinity with the national army, with the dominant masculinity in Israel identified with the Jewish combat soldier and “deemed an emblem of good citizenship” This desire for masculinity is in fact a precondition for the Zionist enterprise—which would later evolve into a violent, militaristic culture.

While “the Jew had been both feminized and Orientalized in Europe, the Zionist culture similarly feminized and Orientalized the indigenous Palestinian Arabs, who were also seen as inadequate. The Israeli state, then, must attempt to transcend the contradictions in needing to appease homophobic supporters of Israel among, say, Western Evangelicals, who constitute the majority of supporters of Israel in the U.S while simultaneously projecting the image of Israel as a gay haven in certain Western secular contexts.

These efforts to transcend these contradictions can best be understood through the lens of homonationalism (homo nationalism) This term was coined by Jasbir K. Puar in her excellent Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times. In it she describes homonationalism as the framework in which certain homosexual constituencies are able to embrace and be embraced by nationalist agendas, including the imperial expansion endemic to the war on terror. Basically, (primarily, but not exclusively) white cisgender queers can assimilate into the nation, such as through openly joining the national army and buying into a combination of ethnic chauvinism, religious nationalism, toxic masculinity, and the Islamophobia so crucial to the war on terror.

This is evident in multiple Western countries where, for example, gay politicians have risen in the ranks of conservative political parties, all who articulate Muslim populations as an especial threat to LGBTQIA+ communities. Naturally, this is despite the exhortations by some queer Muslims who insist that their religious and family struggles are not much different from those of their Christian or Jewish counterparts. Gay rights, in other words, have been absorbed into what Puar calls the ‘human rights industrial complex’, which operates through the foregrounding of western countries as champions of human rights and non-western (read: Muslim) countries as their enemies. Implicit to this complex is the notion that religious and racial communities are more homophobic than white mainstream queer communities are racist, or that a critique of homophobia within one’s home community is deemed more pressing than a critique of racism within mainstream queer communities. The logic of homonationalism which underpins pinkwashing strategies is not compatible with queer liberation or the elimination of oppression as a whole. Rather, this logic is in service of broader imperialist aims and thus cannot include those queer people who have been racialized or otherwise deemed enemies of the state.

Read more about Pinkwashing (pink washing)